The Sana Yousuf Case - A Sociological Inquiry Into Victim Blaming, Male Entitlement, And Gendered Morality In India
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THE SANA YOUSUF CASE: A SOCIOLOGICAL INQUIRY
INTO VICTIM BLAMING, MALE ENTITLEMENT, AND
GENDERED MORALITY IN INDIA
Kirti Soni & Amisha Singh, Vivekananda Institute of Professional Studies, GGSIPU
ABSTRACT
On June 2, 2025, the murder of 17-year-old TikTok influencer Sana Yousuf in Islamabad by a persistent admirer, Umar Hayat, captured not just headlines, but the deep-seated anxieties and attitudes around gender and violence in South Asia. Although legal proceedings continue, the case has become a powerful prism through which to examine how deeply embedded misogynistic norms, bolstered by popular culture, social media, and legal structures, often turn toward scrutinizing Sana’s choices rather than the perpetrator’s actions. This paper examines the event and its aftermath through the theoretical frameworks of victim blaming and male entitlement. Introduction Sana Yousuf was a vibrant and well-known presence online, celebrated for her videos on TikTok and Instagram that championed youth, cultural expression, and women’s empowerment.
On June 2, 2025, she was shot inside her home in Islamabad by Umar Hayat, a 22-year-old whose repeated romantic advances she had made clear she did not reciprocate. Islamabad Inspector General Syed Ali Nasir Rizvi summarized this shift in understanding: "First, it was a cellular rejection. Now, it was a physical mode of rejection. "1 When the news broke, reactions across Pakistan and nearby regions were swift—but telling. Many first assumed this was the result of an “honour killing,” perhaps by her family, a reflection of how deeply that narrative is embedded in public consciousness about outspoken girls. However, facts soon made it clear: Sana’s murder was about rejected entitlement, not
1 Islamabad Police, [Press Conference] (Facebook video, posted [May 3, 2025]), available at
https://www.facebook.com/islamabadpolice/videos/996494622693776/ (last visited July 30, 2025).
family “honour. ”2 Yet, instead of focusing blame on the perpetrator, many public comments and even news stories zeroed in on Sana herself: her visibility, lifestyle, and the mere fact of her independence. As a powerful editorial observed, “She didn’t die because she filmed TikTok videos. She died because a man couldn’t stand that she said no. ”3 This perfectly gets at the heart of the issue— the way society shifts attention from violence to the perceived behavior of its victims. Victim Blaming: A Deep Cultural Reflex Victim blaming is unfortunately a familiar response in cases like Sana’s. In the wake of her death, it was commonplace to see posts suggesting that girls who are “too visible” on social media “invite trouble.
” These comments, whether meant as advice or warning, always assume that it’s women’s behavior—dressing freely, speaking out, having an online presence—that provokes violence, rather than male aggression itself. Sociologist Erving Goffman’s idea of stigma4 applies here. “When an individual is stigmatized,” Goffman wrote, “society tends to reduce him [or her] from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one. ” The subtext is clear: If she had stayed within moral boundaries, this wouldn’t have happened. Sharmila Rege5, an Indian feminist sociologist, emphasized how caste, gender, and respectability intersect in victim blaming. Middle-class morality, often presented as neutral, is deeply Brahminical and patriarchal in form—framing women’s safety as dependent on their conformity to modesty and domesticity.
Organizations like the Digital Rights Foundation documented a disturbing rise in online misogyny and victim-blaming on social media platforms. For example, some users explicitly said Sana "deserved" her murder or provoked it, with comments like "You reap what you sow. " Others posted celebratory messages about her death.
2 “Sana’s Murder a Case of Repeated Rejections,” The Express Tribune (Pak.), June 4, 2025.
3 Imran, Laiba, The Cruel Audacity of Judging the Dead, The Friday Times (Pak.), June 3, 2025.
4 Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall 1963) 5 Sharmila Rege, Writing Caste/Writing Gender: Narrating Dalit Women’s Testimonios (New Delhi: Zubaan Books 2006)
A common theme in the online responses was victim-blaming, which varied from subtle to
overt forms. Subtle victim-blaming appeared as backhanded condolences or moralizing advice, such as saying girls should be careful on social media or emphasizing the importance of modesty. One TikTok user with a large following suggested that every girl with access to a mobile phone and brothers who do not monitor their sisters would face similar dangers, and he criticized universities for being immoral places for women. More overt victim-blaming included direct statements that Sana brought the harm upon herself. Many comments also sexualized Sana, a minor, by calling her derogatory names such as "taxi," "nachnewali," and "kanjari. "6 Some falsely speculated about an explicit video leak, implying her murder was linked to such content.
Even expressions of sympathy often slipped into veiled blame, as if Sana’s murder was inevitable—or at least understandable—because she stepped outside prescribed boundaries. Male Entitlement and Possessive Masculinity At the heart of Sana Yousuf’s case—and so many others like it—is a culture of male entitlement. Umar Hayat’s own confession7, in which he said he felt “deeply hurt” after Sana ignored him and so “killed her,” illustrates a mindset where men believe women owe them attention, and rejection is an affront deserving retribution. This is what sociologists call “possessive masculinity”—the dangerous idea that a man’s identity is tied to controlling women around him. Sociologist Raewyn Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity8 helps explain this.
Connell argues that society upholds certain idealized forms of masculinity that are associated with dominance, control, and heterosexual conquest. When this power is challenged—especially by a woman asserting her autonomy— men often experience it as emasculation. “Masculinity becomes a project to constantly prove oneself,” Connell wrote, “and violence becomes a tool of that proof. ” Pierre Bourdieu9 similarly described male domination as a “gentle violence” that is 6 Digital Rights Foundation, Case Study on Viral Misogyny and the Killing of Sana Yousaf 7 (June 2025), https://digitalrightsfoundation. pk/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Case-Study-Viral-Misogyny-and-the-Killing-of-S ana-Yousaf. pdf. 7 Arsalan Khattak, Sana Yousaf’s Killer Confesses, Cites Shocking Reason for Murder, ProPakistani (Pak. ), June,
8 R. W. Connell, Masculinities (Berkeley: University of California Press 1995)
9 Pierre Bourdieu, Masculine Domination (Richard Nice trans., Stanford Univ. Press 2001), originally published as La domination masculine (Éditions du Seuil 1998)
“inscribed in the most unconscious practices. ” In the digital age, this domination extends to the online sphere, where men feel entitled to monitor, harass, or punish women for asserting independence. Such attitudes are not confined to personal relationships. On the Internet, threats and intimidation directed at women over their choices or independence are commonplace. Another facet of exercising this control is Michel Foucault’s concept of panopticism10—the idea of constant surveillance as a form of control—is especially relevant here. Unlike the classical panopticon governed by state surveillance, the digital panopticon is decentralized. It is enacted by family members, trolls, anonymous men, and even self-proclaimed moral crusaders who weaponize shame and fear. The chilling effect is real.
In the wake of Sana’s death, social media saw not only expressions of grief, but warnings aimed at other outspoken women, sometimes naming them directly and threatening, “You’ll be next. ” For many, the danger becomes personal—several young women deactivated their own online accounts in fear, feeling their visibility is a risk. Morality as Gendered Discipline In Indian society, morality is not universal—it is deeply gendered. Men are judged by their achievements and status, while women are judged by their chastity, modesty, and conformity to traditional roles. This moral double standard fuels a system where women are made responsible for their own victimization. The media and public discourse around Sana Yousuf routinely painted her as a "bad woman"— for posting selfies, being outspoken, or having relationships.
From a Durkheimian perspective11, society maintains stability by enforcing collective norms through mechanisms of social control. However, as feminist theorists argue, these norms are gendered, castebased, and deeply political. Durkheim’s theory of deviance as boundary maintenance takes a sinister turn when applied to women—autonomy becomes deviance, and deviance becomes a justification for violence. 10 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Alan Sheridan trans. , Pantheon Books 1977) 11 Émile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method (W. D. Halls trans. , Free Press 1982) (orig. 1895) Émile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society (G. Simpson trans. , Free Press 1997) (orig. 1893)
As sociologist Nivedita Menon12 notes, “In India, the word 'morality' is often just another word for controlling women. ” This control is exercised not only by families or communities but also by media narratives, police procedures, and judicial delays that implicitly ask, Was she a good victim? In Sana’s case, the victim-blaming didn’t stop at her: several posts on social platforms even praised her murder, using religious language to frame the violence as godly or righteous. This discourse not only desensitizes people to such tragedies, but also puts every woman “on notice” that stepping outside the line can lead to the gravest consequences. Echoes of Sana’s Case in Kenya Sadly, femicide—when women are killed because of their gender—isn’t just a local crisis.
What happened in Pakistan is mirrored in countries like Kenya13, where the murders of Sharon Otieno and Ivy Wangeci also led to an avalanche of public opinion blaming the victims for their lifestyles or choices. The murders of Sharon Otieno in 2018 and Ivy Wangeci in 2019 shook the country. But instead of focusing on justice, public conversations quickly turned to victim blaming. People judged Sharon’s lifestyle and labeled her a “slay queen,” as if her choices somehow made her responsible for her death. In many cultures, including Kenya, women are still expected to act modest, obedient, and quiet. When they choose independence—through their careers, relationships, or how they live—they face judgment, pushback, and sometimes violence meant to “put them in their place. ” Social media often amplifies this, turning the spotlight on how victims looked or lived rather than who harmed them.
Take the tragic case of Ivy Wangeci, whose 2019 murder was portrayed by many media outlets as a “crime of passion”—with the spotlight placed on her alleged rejection of the perpetrator’s romantic advances. This framing made the violence seem personal and isolated, steering public focus away from deeper cultural realities. It ignored the broader
12 Nivedita Menon, Seeing Like a Feminist (Pb. ed., Zubaan Books & Penguin India 2012)
13 Sitati, Ian Wesa, Intersecting Narratives: Victim Blaming, Patriarchy, and the Escalation of Femicide in Kenya, IJISRT, Vol. 9, No. 11 (Nov. 2024)
issue: a societal mindset that normalizes male entitlement to women's attention, choices, and bodies. Questions That Deserve Real Answers The real questions demand deeper reflection:
1. Why do institutions—whether police, courts, or the media—so often imply that only
“bad” women become victims?
2. Why is a woman’s character put under the microscope, but a man’s violence goes
largely unexamined?
3. What will it take to dismantle systems that reward male dominance while punishing
female freedom? Moving Forward: Steps Toward Change Addressing these injustices requires effort on many fronts. Culturally, we must challenge the unhealthy standards of masculinity that justify power over women. Highlighting and supporting new models of respect, consent, and equality is essential. Economic empowerment is also part of the solution: giving women greater access to education and work creates more choices and independence, reducing vulnerability. However, institutional reform is urgent. Police, courts, and health workers should be trained to approach femicide with gender sensitivity and seriousness, enforcing laws designed to protect women without caveats or hesitation. Finally, community and religious leaders hold responsibility: instead of preaching only restraint to women, they should speak out fiercely against violence. Silence, after all, is a form of endorsement.
Conclusion Cases like Sana Yousuf’s strike fear well beyond her family—they send a message to every young woman who wants simply to live, laugh, and express herself. “I’m just scared that I may
offend someone, and they kill me.” These words, shared by a young woman after Sana’s death, reflect a bleak reality far too many face. Yet, Sana’s legacy should not end as a warning. Her passion, joy, and defiance deserve remembrance and should drive change. Saying “no” should not cost anyone their life. Women’s happiness and autonomy should never be a risk in themselves—and one day soon, refusing a man’s advances won’t mean inviting danger, but choosing respect.
REFERENCES:
1. Case Study: Viral Misogyny and the Killing of Sana Yousuf
2. Killing of Sana Yousaf - Wikipedia
3. Intersecting Narratives: Victim Blaming, Patriarchy, and the Escalation of Femicide in
Kenya-IJISRT24NOV1664.pdf
4. Digital Rights Foundation-Case Study: Viral Misogyny and the Killing of Sana Yousuf
5. Al Jazeera- Who was Sana Yousaf, Pakistani TikTok star shot dead by a gunman? |
Crime News | Al Jazeera
6. Dawn
– Challan submitted in Sana Yousaf murder casehttps://www.dawn.com/news/1915945