The United States And Global Climate Governance - A History Of Engagement And Withdrawal
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THE UNITED STATES AND GLOBAL CLIMATE
GOVERNANCE: A HISTORY OF ENGAGEMENT AND WITHDRAWAL Mehraan Ahmed, Advocate, Delhi High Court and District Courts of Delhi, New Delhi
ABSTRACT
The United States has played a pivotal yet inconsistent role in global climate governance. As one of the largest contributors to greenhouse gas emissions, its participation is crucial for international climate agreements. However, the U. S. has repeatedly withdrawn from major treaties, such as the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement, citing economic concerns and perceived inequities in commitments among nations. This article explores the historical engagement and disengagement of the U. S. in climate governance, highlighting the political and economic factors influencing its decisions. While Democratic administrations have generally supported climate initiatives, Republican leadership has often prioritized economic interests over environmental commitments. The cyclical nature of U. S.
climate policy undermines global efforts to combat climate change, placing undue pressure on developing nations. The article also examines the implications of these withdrawals, the limitations of market-driven climate solutions, and the need for a more consistent and ambitious U. S. climate policy to ensure equitable and effective global action.
I.
Introduction
The United States occupies a central position in global climate governance due to its economic dominance and substantial contribution to greenhouse gas emissions. Since the pre-industrial era, the country has accounted for over 20% of cumulative global carbon dioxide emissions, making its role in climate agreements indispensable. 1 However, its approach to international climate commitments has been marked by a pattern of engagement and withdrawal, reflecting a broader conflict between economic priorities and environmental responsibility. Historically, the U. S. has resisted binding climate agreements, arguing that they place disproportionate obligations on developed nations while allowing major developing economies, such as China and India, to expand their emissions. This stance was evident in 2001 when President George W.
Bush withdrew from the Kyoto Protocol, citing concerns over economic harm and unfair exemptions for developing countries. Similarly, in 2017, President Donald Trump announced the U. S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, asserting that it disadvantaged American industries and workers. 2 These decisions significantly undermined global climate cooperation and weakened the effectiveness of international agreements. Despite these withdrawals, the U. S. has continued to engage in climate diplomacy, often as an observer rather than a committed participant. The Biden administration's decision to rejoin the Paris Agreement in 2021 was seen as an attempt to restore U. S. leadership in climate policy. However, the administration's simultaneous expansion of fossil fuel production raises questions about its long-term commitment to decarbonization.
The contradiction between domestic energy policies and international climate pledges exemplifies the challenges in aligning economic and environmental priorities. The inconsistency in U. S. climate policy places a heavier burden on developing nations, which 1 See Matto Mildenberger, The Development of Climate Institutions in the United States, 30 ENVTL. POL. S71, S71-92 (2021), https://doi. org/10. 1080/09644016. 2021. 1947445; Tejal Kanitkar & T. Jayaraman, Broken Promises in a Warming World, THE HINDU, Jan. 30, 2025, at 6. The United States is responsible for 25% of all carbon pollution released into the atmosphere to date. In 2016, the country's carbon pollution was 5. 8 Gt CO2eq, accounting for 12% of global emissions, with a per capita level of 19. 9 metric tons of CO2eq.
The country's carbon pollution is broad-based, with substantial industrial, transportation, energy, and agricultural emissions. Despite this, the emissions intensity of the U. S. economy declined from 0. 8 kg per unit of GDP in 1990 to 0. 3 kg per unit of GDP in 2014. 2 Franziska Petri & Katja Biedenkopf, "United We Stand, Divided We Fall": The Effects of U. S. Contestation on EU Foreign Climate Policy Ambition, 6 GLOBAL AFF. 381, 381-97 (2020), https://doi. org/10. 1080/23340460. 2021. 1885988. are expected to accelerate their decarbonization efforts despite limited financial and technological resources. These nations face challenges such as reduced climate funding, restrictive lending policies, and premature pressure to phase out fossil fuels without adequate support.
The result is a widening disparity in global climate responsibility, where developing countries bear the brunt of mitigation and adaptation efforts while wealthier nations continue to prioritize economic growth over sustainability. Furthermore, the domestic political landscape in the United States complicates its ability to sustain long-term climate commitments. The stark division between Democratic and Republican approaches to climate policy means that international commitments are often reversed with changes in administration. This pattern undermines global confidence in the United States as a reliable partner in climate governance. Democratic administrations have made ambitious pledges, such as the Obama-era Clean Power Plan and Biden’s commitment to cutting emissions by 60% below 2005 levels by 2035.
However, these initiatives often face legal and political obstacles that hinder their full implementation. In contrast, Republican administrations have prioritized economic concerns, frequently rolling back environmental regulations in favor of fossil fuel expansion. Additionally, the influence of powerful corporate interests, particularly in the energy sector, plays a significant role in shaping U. S. climate policy. The fossil fuel industry has historically exerted considerable political influence through lobbying and campaign financing, often swaying policies in favor of continued reliance on coal, oil, and natural gas. This has led to regulatory inconsistencies and a lack of cohesive, long-term planning in U. S. climate policy.
Even as public awareness and support for climate action grow, policymakers face significant pressure from industry stakeholders who prioritize short-term economic gains over long-term sustainability. This article delves into the historical trajectory of U. S. climate policy, examining the political, economic, and strategic factors that have shaped its engagement with international agreements. It also explores the broader implications of U. S. withdrawals on global climate governance, emphasizing the need for a more stable and ambitious approach to address the escalating climate crisis. Understanding these dynamics is essential to developing more effective climate policies that align with both domestic and global environmental goals.
II.
The U. S. as a Principal Contributor to Climate Change The decision by former United States President Donald Trump to withdraw from the Paris Agreement represented a profound setback for international efforts to combat climate change. This withdrawal, which took legal effect one year after its announcement, significantly undermined global cooperation and hampered progress in addressing the escalating crisis of anthropogenic global warming. As one of the world's most influential nations, the United States has long played a pivotal role in shaping climate policy. However, its historical approach has been characterised by inconsistency, with serious repercussions for both domestic climate initiatives and global environmental commitments.
The United States, as the world’s wealthiest nation, commands nearly one-third of global wealth and possesses the highest annual gross domestic product (GDP). Given its economic dominance, it bears an outsized responsibility for greenhouse gas emissions. Since the preindustrial era, the country has accounted for over 20% of cumulative global carbon dioxide emissions, a figure that surpasses that of almost any other nation. As a signatory to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the United States is obliged to assume a leadership role in global climate action. This entails not only reducing its own emissions but also providing financial and technological assistance to developing nations to facilitate their transition to sustainable energy sources. However, in practice, the United States has consistently failed to meet these obligations. III.
The United States and Its History of Withdrawal from Climate Agreements A. Donald Trump’s Decision to Exit the Paris Agreement On 20 January, following his inauguration as President of the United States, Donald Trump signed an executive order to withdraw the country from the Paris Agreement, an international climate accord adopted in 2015.3 This decision marked the third occasion on which the United
3 See UNFCCC, Paris Agreement (2015),
https://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/convention/application/pdf/english_paris_agreement.pdf; Daniel Klein et al., eds., The Paris Agreement on Climate Change: Analysis and Commentary (Oxford Univ. Press 2017); Franziska Petri & Katja Biedenkopf, “United We Stand, Divided We Fall”: The Effects of U.S. Contestation on EU Foreign Climate Policy Ambition, 6 Glob. Aff. 381, 381–97 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1885988.
States had withdrawn from a treaty established under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). B. The United States’ Approach to Climate Treaties The first significant withdrawal from a climate agreement occurred in 2001 under the administration of President George W. Bush. He announced that the United States would no longer participate in the Kyoto Protocol,4 a treaty adopted in 1997 that legally bound 37 industrialised nations to specific targets for reducing carbon dioxide emissions. President Bush opposed the agreement on the grounds that it imposed stringent obligations on developed nations while exempting major economies such as China and India.
5 In a letter addressed to Republican senators, he stated: ‘I oppose the Kyoto Protocol because it exempts 80% of the world, including major population centres such as China and India, from compliance, and would cause serious harm to the U. S. economy. ’6 A similar rationale underpinned President Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement in 2017. He contended that the agreement disadvantaged the United States while allowing some of the world’s largest polluters to operate without comparable restrictions. In his speech announcing the withdrawal, he declared: ‘I was elected to represent the citizens of Pittsburgh, not Paris. ’ He further asserted that the agreement hamstrung the U. S. while empowering other nations and stated unequivocally that such an arrangement would not persist under his leadership.
7 As a consequence of this withdrawal, the United States ceased implementing its previously agreed emissions reduction targets and discontinued its financial contributions to the Green Climate Fund—a corpus designed to assist nations most vulnerable to climate change. In a 4 See White House, Text of a Letter from the President to Senators Hagel, Helms, Craig, and Roberts (Mar. 14, 2001), https://georgewbush-whitehouse. archives. gov/news/releases/2001/03/20010314. html; Jørgen Hovi, Detlef F. Sprinz & Guri Bang, Why the United States Did Not Become a Party to the Kyoto Protocol, 18 EUR. J. INT'L REL. 129, 129-50 (2012), https://doi. org/10. 1177/1354066110380964; Charles F. Parker & Christer Karlsson, The UN Climate Change Negotiations and the Role of the United States: Assessing American Leadership from Copenhagen to Paris, 27 ENVTL. POL. 519, 519-40 (2018), https://doi. org/10.
1080/09644016. 2018. 1442388.
5 See Daniel R. Kelemen & David Vogel, Trading Places
The Role of the U.S. and EU in International Environmental Politics, 43 COMP. POL. STUD. 427, 427-56 (2010), https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414009355265; Matto Mildenberger, The Development of Climate Institutions in the United States, 30 ENVTL. POL. 71, 71-92 (2021), https://doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2021.1947445.
6 Jacob Koshy, Why Has the U.S. Often Exited Climate Pacts?, THE HINDU (Jan. 26, 2025), at 11.
7 Id.
subsequent executive order, President Trump reinforced his position, asserting that the Paris Agreement diverted American taxpayer funds to countries that neither required nor merited financial assistance, thereby failing to serve the interests of the American people. 8 C. The Timeline and Formalities of the Withdrawal Process Although the United States formally announced its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement in 2017, its exit did not take immediate effect. This delay resulted from the legal framework of the agreement, which stipulates that a signatory nation must remain bound by its provisions for a minimum of three years before initiating the withdrawal process. Thereafter, an additional one-year period is required for formal notification to the United Nations. Consequently, the United States officially withdrew from the agreement in November 2020.
9 However, by that time, the presidential election had already taken place, and Joseph R. Biden had been elected as the 46th President of the United States. Upon assuming office in January 2021, President Biden promptly signed an executive order re-entering the Paris Agreement, thereby reversing his predecessor’s decision. 10 The Paris Agreement seeks to unite nations in a collective effort to combat climate change. Its central objective is to limit the increase in global temperatures to no more than 1. 5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. In the event that this target proves unattainable, the agreement mandates that temperatures must, at the very least, remain below a 2-degree Celsius increase.
11 Unlike the withdrawal initiated in 2017, which required several years to take full effect, President Trump’s latest executive order ensures that the United States will complete its withdrawal within a single year. 12 D. A History of Unfulfilled Climate Commitments The United States has long struggled to implement robust climate policies. Between 1992 and
8 Id.
9 Franziska Petri & Katja Biedenkopf, “United We Stand, Divided We Fall”
The Effects of U.S. Contestation on EU Foreign Climate Policy Ambition, 6 GLOBAL AFF. 381, 381-97 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2021.1885988.
10 Supra note 6.
11 See U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, Paris Agreement, art. 2 (2015),
https://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/convention/application/pdf/english_paris_agreement.pdf.
12 Supra note 6.
2005, its carbon emissions continued to rise, while successive administrations exhibited a reluctance to pursue meaningful legislative action. Despite its participation in the UNFCCC, the United States deliberately abstained from the Kyoto Protocol, a landmark treaty that imposed legally binding emission reduction targets on developed nations. This decision was the result of a bipartisan consensus in the U. S. Congress, which remained steadfastly opposed to any form of legally enforceable international climate commitments. 13 Although emissions in the United States began to decline modestly after 2005, the rate of reduction remained substantially below what was required. Recognising this, international climate negotiations shifted away from binding obligations, such as those under the Kyoto Protocol, towards a system of voluntary pledges in the Paris Agreement.
This transition, initiated at the Copenhagen Climate Summit in 2009 and formalised in Paris in 2015, was largely designed to accommodate the constraints of U. S. domestic politics, which precluded ratification of any rigid emission reduction targets. This shift was widely regarded as a defining element of President Barack Obama’s climate legacy. However, with the advent of the Trump administration, the United States renounced even these voluntary commitments, thereby further weakening the global climate regime. 14 E. The Biden Administration’s Climate Policy: Rhetoric Versus Reality Following the Trump presidency, expectations were high for Joe Biden, who pledged to reinvigorate U. S. climate leadership.
However, despite its rhetorical commitment to environmental sustainability, the Biden administration oversaw an unprecedented expansion of crude oil production, with the United States emerging as the world’s leading oil producer—a stark contradiction to its professed objectives of decarbonisation. At the COP29 Climate Summit in Baku, the United States, along with other developed nations, resisted calls for increased climate finance. As a consequence, the final agreement set a modest funding target of $300 billion per annum—a figure widely regarded as insufficient to support the climate adaptation and mitigation needs of developing countries. 15 In December 2024, the Biden administration submitted an updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), pledging to reduce carbon emissions by 60% below 2005 levels by 2035. 13 Tejal Kanitkar & T.
Jayaraman, Broken Promises in a Warming World, THE HINDU, Jan. 30, 2025, at 6.
14 Id.
15 Id.
However, this target perpetuates the United States’ disproportionate share of the global carbon budget—the finite amount of greenhouse gases that can be emitted while maintaining temperature rise within safe limits. Despite this, the United States has continued to exert diplomatic pressure on developing nations, urging them to increase their climate commitments, as evidenced at recent climate summits in Dubai and Baku. 16 F. A Cyclical Pattern of Inconsistency The United States’ engagement with climate governance follows a recurring pattern. Under Democratic administrations, the country makes tentative and largely symbolic commitments, which are often designed to accommodate domestic political constraints rather than effect substantive change.
Subsequently, under Republican administrations, these commitments are either renounced or substantially weakened, further eroding the credibility of international climate agreements. 17 As a consequence, the burden of mitigation and adaptation increasingly shifts to emerging economies and developing nations. These countries face a range of systemic challenges that make it difficult to address climate change effectively. One major challenge is the diminished financial aid and limited access to climate funding. Many developing nations struggle to secure the necessary resources for sustainable development and climate resilience. Additionally, restrictive lending policies further constrain industrial growth. Stringent financial conditions imposed by global institutions often limit the ability of these economies to invest in clean energy and infrastructure.
Moreover, these nations face premature pressure to phase out fossil fuels, even though developed countries historically relied on such energy sources to achieve economic prosperity. This creates an unfair expectation, as emerging economies must transition to greener alternatives without the same period of growth and stability that wealthier nations enjoyed. 18 This imbalance exacerbates global economic disparities, forcing developing nations into accelerated decarbonisation pathways without adequate financial and technological support. Consequently, these nations experience heightened poverty, food insecurity, and energy
16 Id.
17 See Charles F. Parker & Christer Karlsson, The UN Climate Change Negotiations and the Role of the United States: Assessing American Leadership from Copenhagen to Paris, 27 ENVTL. POL. 519, 519-40 (2018), https://doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2018.1442388;
18 Supra note 13.
shortages, as they are compelled to prioritise emission reductions over economic development. 19 The United States’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration was not an isolated event but rather a manifestation of its broader pattern of erratic climate policymaking. While Democratic administrations have pursued climate initiatives, their commitments have consistently fallen short of what is required. Conversely, Republican administrations have often dismantled even these limited measures, further undermining global climate efforts. 20 This persistent lack of sustained leadership from the United States has placed an undue burden on developing nations, which, despite contributing far less to historical emissions, are compelled to shoulder a disproportionate share of climate mitigation efforts.
Without a more coherent and ambitious approach from the United States and other developed nations, global efforts to combat climate change will remain inequitable, insufficient, and ultimately ineffective—perpetuating both environmental degradation and global socioeconomic disparities. 21 IV.
The United States’ Complex Relationship with Climate Agreements The United States has long been a pivotal actor in global climate negotiations, owing to both its economic prominence and its significant contribution to greenhouse gas emissions. Until 2006, it was the largest emitter of greenhouse gases worldwide. Given its status as the world’s largest economy, the United States has frequently presented itself as committed to addressing climate change, yet it has consistently exhibited reluctance to undertake legally binding commitments to reduce emissions. 22 This ambivalence reflects a broader strategic balancing act—while acknowledging the necessity of climate action, the United States remains cautious about policies that might adversely affect its energy sector, particularly fossil fuel industries.
This tension has profoundly influenced its participation in international climate frameworks over the years.
19 Id.
20 Id.
21 Id.
22 Supra note 6.
A. Early Reservations
The modern international climate regime was established through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which serves as the foundation for subsequent treaties, including the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. However, from the outset, at the first Conference of the Parties (COP) in Bonn in 1995, the United States expressed fundamental reservations about the core principles underlying the UNFCCC. A key tenet of this framework is that developed nations bear primary responsibility for mitigating climate change, given their historical role in greenhouse gas emissions. This principle implies that developed countries should not only undertake the most significant emissions reductions but also assume the financial burden of supporting climate mitigation and adaptation efforts in developing nations.
The framework thereby allows developing economies to continue their reliance on fossil fuels to sustain economic growth, at least in the short term. 23 The United States, along with other major fossil fuel-producing economies, has long viewed this approach as inequitable, arguing that it places a disproportionate burden on developed nations while permitting developing countries to expand their emissions largely unchecked. In response to such concerns, alternative mechanisms were proposed, including joint implementation, which enables nations to earn carbon credits by financing clean energy projects in other countries rather than solely focusing on domestic emissions reductions. 24 Despite its scepticism towards such agreements, the United States has remained actively engaged in climate negotiations, even when it has refused to ratify or has withdrawn from key treaties. B.
Withdrawal and the Role of the United States as an Observer Although the United States has, on several occasions, withdrawn from international climate agreements, it has consistently sought to maintain a presence in climate discussions. It frequently dispatches large delegations to global climate summits, often assuming the role of an observer rather than an active participant. One of the most notable instances of its disengagement occurred at the 2005 COP 11 Summit in Montreal, Canada, where the head of the U. S. delegation reportedly walked out of negotiations—despite the fact that the United
23 Id.
24 Id.
States was not a signatory to the Kyoto Protocol at the time. This episode, widely covered by The New York Times, epitomised the country’s reluctance to accept legally binding climate commitments. 25 While it continues to engage in diplomatic discussions, the United State’s long-standing pattern of withdrawing from agreements and resisting stringent emissions reduction mandates has remained a persistent challenge in global climate governance. C. Policy Contradictions: Economic Priorities versus Climate Commitments The climate policies of the United States frequently exhibit internal contradictions, reflecting the competing demands of environmental objectives and economic imperatives. While international climate efforts advocate for an accelerated transition to renewable energy, the United States remains deeply committed to fossil fuel production.
Under President Joe Biden’s administration, oil and gas production has increased rather than declined. The United States retains its position as the world’s largest crude oil producer, achieving record production levels in 2023. By 2022, it had also become the world’s largest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG). President Donald Trump, in his policy commitments, has indicated an intention to expand fossil fuel production even further should he return to office. 26 This continued reliance on fossil fuels highlights the inherent tension between the United States' international climate commitments and its domestic energy policies, raising concerns over its ability to meet its long-term emissions reduction targets. D.
Progress and Shortcomings in Emissions Reduction Goals Despite its formal commitments to reducing greenhouse gas emissions, the United States remains considerably behind schedule in meeting its stated targets. As of 2022, it had achieved only one-third of its 2030 emissions reduction goal. 27 In the final weeks of his presidency, President Biden announced a more ambitious target, aiming for a 61%–66% reduction in emissions (relative to 2005 levels) by 2035. However,
25 Id.
26 Id.
27 Id.
given the nation’s continued reliance on fossil fuels and the absence of robust, legally binding climate policies, the feasibility of achieving this target remains highly uncertain. 28 E. The Future of U. S. Climate Engagement The United States occupies a central position in international climate negotiations, yet its approach has been characterised by inconsistencies and competing priorities. While it actively participates in diplomatic discussions and projects itself as a global leader in climate action, its reluctance to commit to binding emissions reductions and its sustained reliance on fossil fuels undermine its credibility. The trajectory of U. S. climate policy in the coming years will be decisive in shaping global climate efforts. Whether the country can successfully reconcile economic interests with environmental imperatives remains uncertain.
Until then, its role in international climate agreements will likely continue to be one of strategic engagement without full commitment. V.
The Implications of the United States’ Withdrawal from the Paris Agreement The United States has formally withdrawn from the Paris Agreement, yet it remains a party to the broader United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This distinction is significant, as it implies that while the U. S. is no longer obligated to adhere to the specific commitments outlined in the Paris Agreement, it continues to participate in international climate discussions under the UNFCCC framework. Since 2017, investments in renewable energy, including wind, solar, and other sustainable technologies, have expanded considerably. Notably, a substantial proportion of these investments originates from private enterprises within the United States, indicating that the transition towards cleaner energy sources persists independently of governmental directives.
29 Unlike major developing economies such as India, China, and Indonesia, where coal remains a dominant source of energy, the United States is comparatively less reliant on it. Historically, the U. S. has aligned itself with the European Union in climate negotiations, advocating stringent measures to reduce coal dependency and promote cleaner energy alternatives. 30
28 Id.
29 Id.
30 Id.
However, the administration of President Donald Trump adopted a markedly different stance, prioritising the expansion of domestic oil and gas production. His well-publicised slogan, "Drill, baby, drill! ", encapsulated this approach, which actively encouraged increased fossil fuel extraction. 31 Consequently, fracking—a controversial technique for extracting oil and natural gas—was promoted, alongside a broader expansion of drilling operations. While previous administrations had sought to curb these practices to some extent, the Trump administration pursued policies that facilitated their growth. The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement raises concerns that certain developing nations may scale back their climate ambitions. Nevertheless, given that global carbon emissions have continued to rise despite existing international agreements, the immediate impact of the U.
S. exit on global climate mitigation efforts is likely to be limited. 32 VI.
Other Implications and Misconceptions The decision of the United States to withdraw from international climate agreements has elicited a diverse range of reactions. While some policymakers and climate experts have expressed deep concern, viewing it as a setback in global climate governance, others argue that it is the United States itself that stands to lose the most. Simon Stiell, Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), along with several other prominent figures, has suggested that by stepping away from its commitments, the United States forfeits significant investment opportunities in the burgeoning green energy sector. As the global transition towards sustainable energy accelerates, private capital has increasingly recognised the profitability of investments in renewable technologies.
The failure to capitalise on this shift, they argue, represents a strategic miscalculation. 33 This perspective aligns with a principle that the United States has long espoused in international climate discourse: the belief that free-market mechanisms, rather than direct governmental intervention, constitute the most effective means of addressing climate change. According to this rationale, governments of affluent nations need not adopt an interventionist approach; rather, they should focus on creating conducive conditions for the private sector through policy signals and incentives. It is assumed that once financial advantages become apparent,
31 Id.
32 Id.
33 Supra note 13.
businesses will drive both innovation and investment, thereby fulfilling emissions reduction commitments. 34 Empirical evidence, however, suggests that an over-reliance on market-driven strategies has proven inadequate. Successive governments have established weak climate targets, and even these have frequently remained unfulfilled. The continued dominance of fossil fuels within the energy mix provides a compelling illustration of this failure. More than three decades after the establishment of the UNFCCC, fossil fuels still account for over 80 per cent of the United States’ primary energy consumption and over 70 per cent of that of the European Union. This enduring dependence on carbon-intensive energy sources underscores the limitations of market forces in effecting the deep structural transformations necessary to combat climate change.
35 A crucial distinction between developed and developing nations lies in the respective roles of their governments in economic governance. In many developing economies, the public sector exerts substantial influence, ensuring a degree of accountability in climate-related commitments. Conversely, in wealthier nations, where market liberalisation is more pronounced, there is often a comparative lack of regulatory oversight, resulting in weaker accountability mechanisms. This fundamental divergence in economic governance structures frequently translates into disparities in climate action.
36 Another misconception, particularly prevalent in academic and environmental circles within developed nations, is the assumption that sub-national actors—such as regional governments, corporations, and local communities—can effectively compensate for the withdrawal of national governments from climate agreements. While this proposition is theoretically appealing, the empirical reality is far less optimistic. A 2024 study conducted by the University of Colorado Law School underscores the inherent limitations of such an approach. The study found that a significant number of U. S. states have either implemented policies that actively impede emissions reductions or have adopted only marginal measures. States with robust emissions reduction policies remain the exception rather than the rule.
At the local level, the situation is even more concerning: the majority of communities lack substantive climate regulations, with only a few outliers having enacted meaningful policies. In the absence of national frameworks that incorporate both incentives and enforcement mechanisms—such as
34 Id.
35 Id.
36 Id.
those found in the U. S. Inflation Reduction Act—the likelihood of voluntary climate action by traditionally reluctant stakeholders is significantly diminished. 37 The reluctance of academic institutions to confront these challenges is further reflected in their failure to critically engage with the role of climate scepticism in shaping U. S. policy. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), despite its authoritative role in global climate governance, has largely refrained from addressing the political and ideological dimensions of climate denialism in the United States. This omission was particularly evident during the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the Paris Agreement—a decision that coincided with the preparation of the IPCC’s Sixth Assessment Report. Notwithstanding the demonstrable influence of climate scepticism on U. S.
policy, its implications have received little attention in successive international climate reports. 38 The notion that market mechanisms alone can drive effective climate action is not substantiated by empirical evidence. Without robust governmental intervention, regulatory oversight, and accountability mechanisms, climate commitments are often rendered ineffective. While private sector investment remains indispensable in facilitating the transition to a low-carbon economy, it must be complemented by decisive and coordinated national policies. The urgency of the climate crisis necessitates an integrated approach that combines economic incentives, legislative measures, and strategic leadership at both national and international levels. VII.
Strategic Considerations for Developing Nations in Response to U.S. Climate Policy Withdrawal The withdrawal of the United States from international climate agreements necessitates a measured and strategic response from developing nations. It would be a fundamental miscalculation to assume that they can fully compensate for the void left by such a major global actor. The scale of the challenge is substantial, and it is neither practical nor equitable for developing countries to assume this burden unilaterally. Moreover, while other developed nations may publicly denounce the U.S. withdrawal, their rhetoric may not be matched by substantive action. Historical precedent illustrates this point: during the finalisation of the Paris Agreement under President Donald Trump’s first administration, the United States and other
37 Id.
38 Id.
affluent nations actively collaborated to shift a disproportionate share of climate action responsibilities onto the developing world. Should Trump return to office, his administration may not entirely disengage from climate negotiations but may instead remain involved to press for increased commitments from developing nations. Alternatively, it may tacitly support other developed countries in making similar demands. Paradoxically, the executive order initiating the U. S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement continued to frame the United States as a global leader in climate action, despite its retreat from international commitments. 39 Some commentators have suggested that developing nations should abandon multilateral climate cooperation in response to the U. S. withdrawal. However, such a course of action would be both imprudent and counterproductive.
Multilateral engagement in climate governance is not merely a matter of adherence to ethical principles but a pragmatic necessity. Climate change is a global crisis that no single nation can resolve in isolation. Thus, countries such as India, alongside the broader developing world, must maintain their commitment to climate action while simultaneously addressing pressing developmental challenges, including poverty alleviation, infrastructural development, and healthcare advancement. Furthermore, a more concerted effort must be directed towards climate adaptation, an area that has hitherto received insufficient attention. 40 Ultimately, meaningful progress in global climate action hinges upon sustained political will. An equitable, effective, and enduring strategy requires unified international cooperation.
The long-term security of humanity and the success of climate governance depend on concerted diplomatic efforts to reintegrate the United States into the framework of rational and constructive global engagement. VIII.
Suggestions for a More Effective and Consistent U.S. Climate Policy One of the key steps toward a stable and effective climate policy is the introduction of bipartisan climate legislation. The U.S. government should focus on passing climate laws that are difficult to repeal or alter with each change in administration. Long-term policies, such as the Inflation Reduction Act, should be reinforced with legally binding climate commitments to ensure continuity and progress. Another crucial aspect is the commitment to international
39 Id.
40 Id.
agreements. The U. S. should maintain a leadership role in global climate governance by actively participating in agreements like the Paris Agreement. Avoiding withdrawals and demonstrating sustained engagement will help restore trust in the country's dedication to climate action. A strong climate policy must also prioritize investment in renewable energy. Expanding the use of wind, solar, and hydroelectric power will not only reduce dependence on fossil fuels but also boost job creation and economic growth in sustainable industries. This shift toward renewable energy sources is essential for achieving long-term environmental and economic benefits. To effectively combat climate change, the U. S. needs stronger regulatory frameworks. Stricter environmental regulations should be implemented for industries with high carbon emissions.
Policies must include both incentives for adopting green technologies and penalties for excessive carbon emissions to encourage compliance and innovation. Additionally, the U. S. should fulfill its commitments to financial and technological support for developing nations. Contributions to climate finance initiatives, such as the Green Climate Fund, are essential for ensuring that developing countries receive the necessary resources for climate adaptation and mitigation efforts. Another important measure is enhancing climate education and public awareness. By increasing awareness about climate change through educational programs and media campaigns, the government can foster greater political and societal support for strong climate policies. A well-informed public is more likely to advocate for and support meaningful environmental initiatives.
At the corporate level, encouraging corporate responsibility is essential. The government should introduce stricter corporate sustainability reporting requirements and carbon taxation policies to hold corporations accountable for their carbon footprints. This will encourage businesses to adopt more sustainable practices and reduce their environmental impact. Moreover, strengthening sub-national climate initiatives is necessary. State and local governments play a crucial role in climate action, and the federal government should provide financial and policy support to state-level initiatives that promote renewable energy and emissions reductions. Investing in green infrastructure is another vital component of a comprehensive climate strategy.
Expanding sustainable urban planning, improving public transportation networks, and promoting energy-efficient housing will help reduce emissions and enhance resilience against climate-related disasters. Finally, the U. S. should focus on integrating climate policy with economic growth strategies. Climate action should be embedded within the broader economic agenda to ensure that transitioning to a low-carbon economy does not hinder job creation or economic development. Aligning climate initiatives with economic growth will make sustainability efforts more effective and politically viable. IX.
Conclusion
The United States' fluctuating commitment to international climate agreements reflects a persistent struggle between economic priorities and environmental obligations. While it has historically positioned itself as a global leader in climate discussions, its repeated withdrawals from key agreements have weakened international cooperation and undermined collective efforts to combat climate change. The lack of a long-term, bipartisan commitment to climate action has resulted in inconsistencies that hinder the effectiveness of global mitigation efforts and burden developing nations disproportionately. A critical analysis of U. S. climate policy reveals a cyclical pattern of engagement and disengagement, largely driven by domestic political shifts and corporate influences.
Democratic administrations, such as those of Barack Obama and Joe Biden, have pursued climate initiatives, yet their commitments often remain symbolic rather than transformative. Republican administrations, on the other hand, have frequently dismantled existing climate policies, prioritizing economic and energy sector interests over long-term sustainability. This cyclical approach has eroded trust in the U. S. as a reliable partner in global climate governance, reducing the overall effectiveness of international climate frameworks. The consequences of this inconsistency extend beyond U. S. borders, disproportionately affecting developing nations. These countries, despite contributing far less to historical emissions, are compelled to undertake significant mitigation and adaptation efforts without adequate financial and technological support.
The imbalance in global climate responsibilities exacerbates economic disparities, heightens vulnerabilities to climate-related disasters, and increases pressure on developing nations to compromise their economic growth to meet international climate goals.
The future of U. S. climate policy will be a decisive factor in global efforts to combat climate change. While significant progress has been made in transitioning towards sustainable energy, much remains to be done. The key to long-term success lies in establishing a stable and ambitious climate strategy that aligns domestic policies with international commitments. The United States must adopt a leadership role in climate governance, ensuring that economic interests do not undermine urgent environmental action. Without sustained leadership and a holistic approach, global climate efforts will continue to be fragmented, inequitable, and insufficient to address the urgent challenges posed by climate change.
By implementing these strategic recommendations, the United States can strengthen its role in global climate action, contribute to a more sustainable future, and ensure that its policies are not subject to the unpredictability of political cycles. The need for immediate and decisive action has never been greater, and the United States must rise to the occasion to secure a livable planet for future generations.