Unheard And Unseen - Racial Bias Against Northeastern Communities In India

Author: LawSphereX

Category: General Law

Published: 2026-08-23T21:39:11.035077+00:00

Updated: 2026-08-26T17:05:10.057+00:00

UNHEARD AND UNSEEN: RACIAL BIAS AGAINST

NORTHEASTERN COMMUNITIES IN INDIA

Unnath Pinto, Christ University, Bangalore, Karnataka Rishi Ranganath Deepak, Christ University, Bangalore, Karnataka

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to delve deep into the complexities and struggles faced by the north-east individuals. Characterized by unique mongoloid features and distinct cultural and ethnic differences, these North-eastern communities are truly one of a kind. Recently, numerous remorseful and regrettable incidents have revealed a significant lack of interest in North-Eastern citizens' upliftment, development and legal protection. This continued neglect ultimately marginalizes and deprives them of their fundamental rights to lead a basic and fulfilling life, rights that the Indian Constitution guarantees. Furthermore, being addressed with derogatory terms such as ‘chinki’ and having their identities and personalities mocked, adds to this dilemma.

In addition to this, the government in the recent Manipur incident is showing no signs of interfering and regulating the situation, with the media, which is concerned about displaying criticisms and party propaganda instead of dealing with and reporting the actual real problem. This research has been conducted using the doctrinal method of study by taking into account various reports and studies regarding the oppression against the northeastern people, their unequal representation in various sectors, and exclusion. In conclusion, this paper will also shed light on the adversities and atrocities faced by people of North-eastern communities regularly. Despite being citizens of India with equal rights, there is a lack of law enforcement and insufficient recognition or legal safeguards provided by the government, which holds the responsibility to protect and uplift these communities.

Keywords: North-eastern communities, human rights, struggles, discrimination, Government, Manipur, India.

INTRODUCTION

North-Eastern India is popularly known as “the Land of Seven Sisters” as it comprises multiple faiths, cultures and communities. This region, which connects to the mainland through a narrow strip called ‘Chicken Neck’, consists of 8 states ( 262,179 Sq. Km.) such as Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Tripura, Nagaland, Mizoram (Seven Sisters) and Sikkim known as “Brother” to the seven states.1 Today, these seven States have been divided into 72 districts,

412 blocks, and 41240 villages for administrative ease. The North-East is known for its

linguistic, ethnic, and cultural diversity, with breathtaking verdant hills, meandering rivers, and lush valleys. Two-thirds of its area consists of hilly terrain, with the rest being flat land and valley, which includes the Brahmaputra, Imphal, and Barak valleys. Ethnically, this heterogeneous region is an abode that boasts 209 tribes, prominent ones being Bodo, Khasi, Angami, Mizo, etc. Adding to this diversity, there are almost 192 languages and dialects, with unique customs and traditions that have been passed down from generation to generation. With rich natural resources such as “TOT” (Tea, Oil, and Timber), this region is an absolute powerhouse with the potential to generate 50,000 MW of hydroelectric power and more than

30 billion cubic meters of natural gas, which enhances its economic strength.2

Discrimination is considered a form of prejudice that includes negative reactions to members of a particular group, accepting negative stereotypes against individuals, which in some cases can lead to violence. 3 This is a relatively new concept that emerged during the European age of Imperialism. Around the world, many people of different colours and races are subjected to ill-treatment by powerful, privileged people, with prominent examples being the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and apartheid and ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. 4 India is a vast country with 28 states and 8 union territories, each having its unique identity. This is also followed by the secular nature of India, through which various religions thrive and sustain.

According to the World Values Survey, India has been ranked the 2nd most racist country, as many foreigners were subjected to discrimination and racism based on their different features. 1 History of North-East India, INDIAN CULTURE, https://indianculture. gov. in/north-east-archive/historynorth-east (last visited Apr. 20, 2025). 2 North East Zone Cultural Centre, Introduction, North East Zone Cultural Centre (last visited Apr. 21, 2025), http://nezccindia. org. in/About/Indroduction

3 APA, Racism, Bias, and Discrimination, https://www.apa.org/topics/racism-bias-discriminationin.

4 Amnesty International, Discrimination, Amnesty International (last visited Apr. 21, 2025),

https://www.amnesty.org/en/what-we-do/discrimination/.

Many Africans in India were denied living space or attacked and killed. 5 Another major example can be that of Dalits, who do not belong to any classes of the so-called “Varna” system, which considers them to be outcasts and untouchables. Education and social representation were a far-fetched dream for the ‘untouchables’ as they didn’t even have access to basic facilities such as wells and roads. This was the situation of India for the longest time. Therefore, to curb this unequal and unfair treatment, which is morally and legally wrong, there arises the need for sufficient and equitable need for government-backed authoritative frameworks. These will ensure that no one is discriminated against in any aspect of life, including access to the necessities of life. This standard was set by the emergence of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), 1948.

The advocate of Human rights is inherent to every human being, regardless of their race, sex, ethnicity, language, nationality, religion, or other status. These include the right to life, liberty, freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, the right to education and work, and more. 6 Recognized by the United Nations (UN) and other international organizations, these rights are inalienable and apply to everyone and everywhere. The UDHR has been translated into 500 languages and has played a crucial role in shaping many countries' constitutions and legal directives. Inspired by Human rights, India has incorporated some rights in its constitution, which have been declared fundamental for every individual in the country and widely known as Fundamental Rights, given in the Article.

12-35, these include the right to equality, freedom, education, cultural rights, constitutional remedies, and rights against exploitation. On any violation of these rights, the aggrieved individual can directly approach the Supreme Court or High Court for the enforcement of Fundamental Rights under Article 32 and 226. But in modern scenarios, these rights are only bound to the documents with no adequate enforcement in real life. Atrocities against the marginalized can be found in every corner of the world. In India, especially, the caste stereotype is very hard to delete as it is deeply embedded within the society through conservative followers. Mainly, the discrimination against the North Eastern people stands out significantly.

Despite being the citizens of India, they face racism in their own country as they are addressed by various derogatory terms such as ‘chinkis’ and 5Joyita Ghosh, Racial Discrimination in India, KIIT Univ.. , KIIT Sch. of L. , https://vidhiparivartan. co. in/wpcontent/uploads/ (last visited Apr. 21, 2025). 6 Human Rights, United Nations (last visited Apr. 21, 2025), https://www. un. org/en/global-issues/human-rights.

‘Chinese’, which undermines the value of their identity. As this region lacks development, the people are forced to migrate to other cities of mainland India, where they face prejudice, which may also include verbal or physical abuse, rape or attempts to rape and many others. Students, even though equipped with good quality education and skill sets, are not represented in the challenging tests and elite colleges. Furthermore, due to the preconceived notion about the food preferences and their way of living, they are often denied the right to rent a house, which makes them feel like an outsider in their community and nation. 7 This ultimately deprives them of their fundamental rights, guaranteeing a good and fair lifestyle.

This research will help us get a clear idea of the circumstances and turmoils that North-East India and its people are going through, which are going unheard and unseen.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF NORTH EAST INDIA-

The region known as northeast India, comprising the eight states, holds a distinctive position in the Indian subcontinent. The region is geographically connected to the rest of India by the Siliguri “chicken’s neck” corridor, a 22 km narrow corridor connecting the north-east states to the rest of the nation. The region has historically been physically and psychologically detached from the Indian mainstream. This marginalisation has been both literal and metaphorical, rooted in a complex interplay of colonial legacies, post-colonial policies, and socio-cultural differences that have fostered an enduring sense of exclusion and alienation.

Inhabited by people of South-east Asian origin, such as the Tibeto-Burman and the Mon-Khmer groups, India's North-east, which is commonly referred to by a monosyllable, North-east and its people as North-easterners, has no social or cultural affinity with the rest of the Indian polity, which is of Dravidian or Aryan descent. 8 Historically, the north-east, just like the rest of modern India, was subject to the rule of ancient kingdoms and a period of colonial rule under the British Empire before gaining independence and forming a part of the independent republic of India since 1947. The Ahom Kingdom was one of the major kingdoms to have ruled the region in the past. The direct descendants of the Tai race, the Ahoms, established their kingdom in the Brahmaputra Valley in 1228, with Sukapha being the first prince of the Ahom kingdom. The Ahoms ruled 7 Gutta Eekshitha, Stereotypes vs.

Human Rights: North East India’s Struggle, IJLSSS 2(2) 20, at 227 (2024), https://ijlsss. com/stereotypes-vs-human-rights-north-east-indias-struggle/.

8 Patricia Mukhim, Where Is This North-East?, 32(2/3) India Int’l Ctr. Q. 177 (2005),

http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006026.

the area for six centuries until the Anglo-Burmese War in the 1820s. Their highly organised administrative and military system helped them to resist outside powers from invading, such as defending against the multiple attempts made by the Mughals, making them one of the strongest kingdoms in eastern India. 9 According to the local chronicles, the region had other major kingdoms, such as the Manipur Kingdom, which was founded in the first century. By the 18th century, Manipur had adopted Hinduism and developed strong cultural and martial traditions. Besides these kingdoms, there were two other kingdoms, including Cachar under Dimasa Kacharis and the Jaintia Kingdom within modern-day Meghalaya. Outlying and self-sustainable kingdoms managed independence because of their geographic locations, along with strong tribal bonds.

The societies of Naga and Mizo and Khamti, and Singpho tribal people operated under traditional law, which their village councils administered in decentralized structures. Without any connection to centralized monarchies, these groups maintained their traditional political methods of governance. The British East India Company started its involvement in North-Eastern political matters during the First Anglo-Burmese War from 1824 to 1826. British governance over Assam and sections of Manipur, Cachar, and Jaintia officially began through the Treaty of Yandaboo (1826), which closed the war. Throughout the region, British interests dedicated their attention to strategic and economic issues. The Brahmaputra Valley achieved its significance from its operations of tea production, extraction of coal, petroleum refining, and rubber manufacturing.

The British government established administrative control over hill regions by creating alliances, but also through warfare and purposeful social disruptions in their attempt to protect their trading objectives and frontier borders. Captain Neufville led British forces to defeat the Muttock Kingdom's leader in 1839, thus leading to its annexation. During their occupation of Sadiya, the British constructed defensive structures while forcing the Singpho and Khamti chiefs to sign treaties that were hard to refuse. The Naga Hills required numerous years of political struggles between the indigenous people and British forces to establish British governmental supremacy during the late 1880s. 10

9 History of North East India (1228 to 1947), at 29–31, Rajiv Gandhi University,

https://ide.rgu.ac.in/docs/UG_HisI.pdf (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

10 History of North East India (1228 to 1947), at 69–71, Rajiv Gandhi University,

https://ide.rgu.ac.in/docs/UG_HisI.pdf (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

The British government showed distinct administrative policies towards this region when compared to other parts of India. The license administration of the Bengal Presidency led to an independent administrative unit for Assam, which began operating in 1874. The British implemented the Inner Line Regulation (1873) as a method to limit outside access to tribal lands because they used it to protect their objectives while preventing confrontations with the native communities. The indigenous communities conducted ongoing rebellions against British control, even with the implementation of these regulatory measures. 11 Indigenous people of various tribes felt discontented with their land being taken by foreigners, along with labor extraction and interrupted traditional customs.

British reactions to resistance involved both punitive military action alongside additional administrative controls, which in turn established a permanent atmosphere of doubt and turmoil between the British people and the local communities. This period, apart from other things, also saw a major influx of Christian missionaries into the region, partly helped by the colonial efforts to promote the religion. Christianity had come into the region before the British colonization of India. The history of Christianity in North East India goes back to when Jesuit priests Stephan Cacella and John Cabrai first entered the Brahmaputra valley in 1626, intending to go on to Tibet and China. Assam had no attraction for them.

Then followed the pastoral visits by Augustinián and Holy Cross priests to the several Indo-Portuguese settlements at Rangamati, located on the frontier of Bengal with Assam, Bondashill in Cachar, and Mariamnagar in Tripura. It may be said that the flag representing the colonial administration and The Bible representing one or the other of the Christian missions went almost together into the North East. This happened after the Charter Act of 1813 permitted missionaries to propagate their faith in British India. 12 The English Baptists took advantage of this favorable situation to open missions at Cherrapunji and Gauhati during the early half of the 19th century. The first American Baptist Mission missionaries who landed in Assam in

1836 met a positive reception because the organization failed to keep up interest. The mission

at Cherrapunji remained dormant when Alexander Lish from the Serampore English Baptist Mission decided to leave the area. In 1840, the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Foreign Mission established itself before changing its name to Welsh Presbyterian Mission. Jacob Tomlin from 11 Manjeet Baruah, North-Eastern India Under Colonial Rule, Unit-33, Indira Gandhi National Open University, https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/102556/1/Unit-33.pdf (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

12 Colonial Encounter and Christian Missions in North East India, 40 Econ. & Pol. Wkly. 4332 (2005),

https://www.jstor.org/stable/44156244 (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

the London Missionary Society recommended that the new mission focus on these particular hills after he had visited them previously. The Mission received a generous offer to fund the traveling expenses of its initial missionary, who could choose because of it. Thomas Jones, being the inaugural missionary of their organization, harbored the belief that his future missionary work would lead him to India. Official authorization was not required for his Cherrapunji trip during the 1841 monsoon season because the Khasi Hills did not fall under colonial state control, even though they were politically subdued following the Anglo-Khasi war of 1829–1833.

This has led to a significant demographic changes in the North East region, which has now become one of the few Christian majority regions in India, particularly in the states like Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya and to a lesser extent Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh as well, which makes this region even the more different and unique from rest of India. 13 During British colonial rule, the Northeast received separate administrative laws for its governance. Under the Government of India Act of 1935, the mountainous regions received classification as "Partially Excluded Areas" or "Excluded Areas. " The regions were mainly cut off from development initiatives as well as conventional governance protocols. Early political connection with the rest of India and infrastructure development were hampered by these administrative decisions.

British non-intervention policies enhanced the cultural and political isolation of the tribal regions because they restricted their interaction with other parts of India and weakened their integration into regional governing structures. The Nationalist Project and Post-1947 Integration - Following independence, the Indian authorities made attempts for these territories to become part of the national identity as a whole. The implementation of this particular method showed insufficient regard for indigenous historical factors and distinctive political objectives, and cultural roots. Despite being incorporated by successive agreements and legislation, the local communities of tribal populations perceived a decrease rather than an increase in their selfgovernance power.

The Indian state pushed assimilationist policies during its assimilation 13 Census of India 2011, Religion Data – Christianity, https://censusofindia. net/religion/christian. html (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

efforts despite promoting its "Unity in diversity" discourse because national identity mainly followed Hindi heartland cultural and linguistic standards. The disconnection between diverse population groups resulted in secessionist and autonomy struggles that triggered different insurgencies, starting from the Naga movement in the 1950s through to the ULFA uprising in Assam in subsequent years. These disturbances showed a widespread resentment among local populations about their neglected history, combined with cultural injustices. The Indian state dealt with these situations mainly through military approaches, which created permanent alienation without solving the main problems. Throughout the northeastern areas exist over 200 ethnic groups that maintain distinct languages and faiths as well as cultural practices.

Numerous mainland Hindu religious traditions face strong disagreement with the animist, Christian, and syncretic religious beliefs that exist throughout many communities. The distinctive facial characteristics of Northeasterners usually include traits from East and Southeast Asian heritage. The mainstream Indians adopt cultural differences as reasons to position Northeast Indian communities outside their country's boundaries instead of understanding the cultural value of diversity. Indian urban populations embrace racial prejudices by using ethnic slurs such as "Chinki," "Nepali," or "Chinese" to insult others. A widely held misperception about Northeastern culture beyond the Indian state goes beyond

superficial prejudice to negatively affect the representation of the region and access to rights and state protection. The Northeast suffers from discriminatory views that have moved into educational institutions and national curriculum schools, as well as media platforms, which mostly feature exotic pictures or ignore the region altogether. The Northeast received the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in 1958, establishing a state policy that led to human rights violations through exclusion. The counter-insurgency origin of AFSPA grants military forces blanket powers of shooting based on suspicion and making arbitrary arrests, and protects them from prosecution. Numerous violations have occurred since the AFSPA took hold in states such as Nagaland and Manipur, and Assam despite its prolonged implementation period.

People have faced problems including extrajudicial executions, torture, and enforced disappearances.

The years of poor public spending and lack of infrastructure, alongside unemployment and slow development of networks, have further deepened the existing marginalization process. On the ground, both India and the people living in North-east India see different results from the "Look East" policy, which the Indian government uses to integrate areas within global politics, yet the area shows clear economic stagnation, while young residents experience rising feelings of disconnect from mainstream Indian society.

MANIPUR VIOLENCE - AN UNEXTINGUISHED FLAME -

Manipur, meaning the “land of gems,” is located in the northeastern part of India, which is bordered by Assam to the west, Mizoram to the southwest, Nagaland to the north, and Myanmar to the south and east. The state capital being Imphal, their economy is mainly based on agriculture, forestry, trade, and cottage industries. This state has a unicameral legislature consisting of 60 members and is divided into 16 administrative districts. 14 The unique feature of Manipur includes people being simple and hospitable, with women having high esteem in the society. This state is home to several tribal communities who live in mutual harmony, among whom prominent are Meities, Tangkhuls, Kuki, etc. 15 On May 3, 2023, the tribal group Kuki rose in a clash against the ethnic majority Meitei, regarding the economic, social, and political benefits given to other tribes.

This conflict led to the death of 80 people, with several hundred getting injured and 35,000 getting displaced, turning the state into a furious battle zone. Kukis are one of the several hill tribes inhabiting the northeastern states of Manipur, Mizoram, Assam, Tripura, Nagaland, and Meghalaya. It is believed that Kukis are native to the Mizo hills (formerly known as Lushai), a mountainous region of southeastern Mizoram. They have diverse religious customs and practiced animism, where they believed in the existence of ancestors. They also conducted animal sacrifices, appeasing festivals. With the arrival of Christian missionaries in the 19th and 20th centuries, most of the Kuki tribe was converted into Christianity, especially Protestantism. With this, Christianity has become a major religion.

Whereas, Meities, being the dominant ethnicity, which makes up around 53% of Manipur’s population, reside in the Imphal valley. (Census of India, 2011). They speak the Meitei language, also known as Manipuri language, which was

14 “Northeast Indian," ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Northeast-Indian

(last visited Apr. 27, 2025) 15 Manipur Society and Culture, Maps of India, https://www.mapsofindia.com/manipur/society-and-culture/ (last visited Apr. 27, 2025).

added to the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution in 1992, thereby making it the official language. According to the 2011 census, two religions are followed by Meities, where the majority follow Hinduism, 16% believe in Sanamahi, named after God Sanamahi, and around 8% follow Islam. 16 Peace in Manipur seems like a distant dream, with the extent of violence being massive. According to Inspector General of Police I. K. Muivah, as of 14 September,[b] 175 people have been killed statewide, and 5,000 cases of arson, including the burning of over 4,700 houses, have been reported. Additionally, 386 religious structures — 254 churches (mostly Kukiowned) and 132 temples have been vandalized. Other sources cite different figures; for instance, the Kuki Student Organisation[3] reports 146 deaths, with 7,000 houses and 360 churches burned in Kuki areas.

Amid the ongoing violence, the state government under Chief Minister N. Biren Singh has faced strong criticism from both opposition and allies for allegedly favoring Meitei groups and showing prejudice against the Kukis. 17 Opposition parties have demanded the imposition of President’s Rule in Manipur. However, the Union Government has rejected calls to remove the Chief Minister, expressing confidence in his handling of the crisis. 18 The situation in Manipur highlights a troubling failure of governance, national leadership, and institutional accountability in India. Despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s global advocacy for India as a democratic and rising economic power, his silence on the prolonged ethnic violence in Manipur has raised serious concerns.

The central government’s lack of intervention and clear policy direction indicates a reluctance to engage with the deep-rooted ethnic tensions and human rights abuses within its borders. This absence of leadership has only intensified the mistrust between communities, especially with Manipur’s Chief Minister N. Biren Singh using divisive and inflammatory language against the Kuki population, further aggravating the conflict. India’s military, though equipped with a massive defense budget, has failed to contain the violence or protect vulnerable groups. Reports of inaction, along with alleged complicity 16 Syed Ayan Mojib, Who are Kukis & Meiteis, the Warring Tribes in Manipur, The Statesman (June 2, 2023), https://www. thestatesman. com/india/1503186629who-are-kukis-meiteis-the-warring-tribes-in-manipur- 1503186629.

html 17 Anamni Gupta, “4 months on, how Meitei-Kuki conflict has kept Manipur on the boil”, The Indian Express, September 26, 2023, https://indianexpress. com/article/india/manipur-violence-meitei-kuki-tribe-conflict-fourmonths-8956725/. 18 Manipur violence: Kuki People’s Alliance withdraws support to N Biren Singh’s government”, Scroll. in, August 7, 2023,https://scroll. in/latest/1053890/manipur-violence-kuki-peoples-alliance-withdraws-support-to-nbiren-singhs-government.

of police in abductions and gender-based crimes, reflect a systemic breakdown in law enforcement and intelligence. The use of drones and advanced weapons by non-state actors also points to a serious failure in surveillance and counterinsurgency capabilities. The humanitarian crisis is equally severe. Displaced communities are suffering from a lack of food, clean water, healthcare, and basic sanitation, with minimal government support. Relief efforts are largely dependent on NGOs and local volunteers, underscoring state apathy. Human rights organizations like Amnesty International have condemned the government for allowing vigilante groups to operate freely, while victims, particularly women, are denied justice and protection. This ongoing crisis not only threatens India’s internal harmony but also tarnishes its international reputation as a democratic nation.

The government's inaction, combined with rising Hindu nationalism, shrinking press freedom, and suppression of dissent, points to a growing authoritarian shift. If left unaddressed, the Manipur conflict could serve as a grim indicator of India's weakening democratic institutions and its failure to protect its most vulnerable citizens. 19 Following Manipur's integration with India in 1949, it evolved into a state with three principal ethnic groups: Meiteis, Nagas, and Kukis, each of which settled distinctly between the valley and the hills. Militant group emergence since the 1960s has mirrored ethnic aspirations, with the Kukis and Nagas aspiring for separate homelands, pitting them against Meitei attempts to maintain Manipur's territorial integrity. Its large, open frontier with Myanmar further created insecurity through permitting cross-border alliances of militants.

This ancient setting underscores long-term sources of tensions along ethnic lines. These persistent conflicts between territorial claims for lands, claims over identity and home, persist in Manipur's divided politics. Laid at the very center of this conflict stands Meitei insistence on ensuring territorial integrity to Manipur's map and competing requests by Kukis and Nagas to maintain separate homelands. Accords such as the 2001 Bangkok Accord with the NSCN-IM incited fatal violence through instigating Meitei fears of division of land. 20 Likewise, Kukis' desire for an independent state or Union Territory, although split along internal lines, creates apprehension among the Meiteis. Historical stories of guardianship and rights feed Meitei resistance to any conceivable partition

19 Waleed Sami, Manipur Crisis: A Governance Failure in India, Modern Diplomacy (Sept. 21, 2024),

https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2024/09/21/manipur-crisis-a-governance-failure-in-india/

20 Pradip Phanjoubam, “Ethnicity, Identity & Conflict”, South Asia Terrorism Portal,

https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume10/article5.htm

of Manipur. Concurrently, intrakuki controversy over autonomy vs. complete statehood complicates political contestation further. 21 Distribution of resources has been another bone of contention, especially over the Meiteis' assertion of Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. Bestowing ST status upon the Meiteis would grant them legal authority over the land now held by the Kukis and Nagas, which increases fears of displacement. 22 These conflicts are fueled by the state's demographic and geographic divisions, in which the valley-residing Meiteis hold a minor percentage of the area but control political authority. Despite continuous pressure from the Union government, the Manipur state government didn't address the Meitei people's plea for ST status, culminating in judicial intervention.

23 The resultant court orders instigated the violent eruption during May 2023, further exacerbating the fault lines. The recurring Hill-Valley divide exemplifies age-old imbalances in development and political representation. Valley areas have always had greater budgetary outlays and seen improved infrastructure growth than the impoverished hills. With

50 percent of the population, Meiteis control about two-thirds of the assembly seats, leaving

the tribal populations politically sidelined. 24 Many Kukis and Nagas believe that laws and governance primarily serve Meitei interests at the expense of hill communities. This sense of political marginalisation, compounded by uneven development, drives deep-seated alienation among the tribes. 25 Governance shortfalls have further consolidated ethnic cleavages, with insurgent-dominated informal governance institutions stepping into the vacuum created by the state. Efforts at decentralising power, including through the Hill Areas Committee (HAC) and Autonomous District Councils (ADCs), have been unsuccessful because of circumscribed powers and political opposition. 26 Tribal pressures for greater autonomy, including the Sixth Schedule 21 G. K. Pillai, “Manipur: The Way Out”, Internal Security Lecture, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, September 26, 2011, https://www. youtube.

com/watch? v=KCt87g_AFX4&t=2688s 22 Pradip Phanjoubam, “Kuki-Meitei violence in Manipur: The wounds of history”, The Indian Express, May 9,

2023. https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/kuki-meitei-violence-manipur-wounds-history-8594752/

23 Thongkholal Haokip, “The Politics of Scheduled Tribe Status in Manipur”, Society, and Culture in South Asia,

2015. vol. 1. Issue.1. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2393861714550952

24 Zomi Students’ Federation and Kuki Students’ organization, “The Inevitable Split: Documents on the State Sponsored Ethnic Cleansing in Manipur-2023”, Vol. 1, Lamka, 2023. 25 Bela Bhatia, “Justice Denied to Tribals in the Hill Districts of Manipur”, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. XLV. No. 31, July 2010.

26Sekholal Kom, “Identity and Governance: Demand for Sixth Schedule in Manipur” Indian Journal of Political Science, vo. LXXI, no. 1, Jan-Mar, 2010, pp. 313-22.

status demand, have usually been opposed by valley politicians as well as by Naga groups demanding separate homelands. Attempts at reforming governance, such as the 2021 ADC Bill, have not been able to fill the trust deficit. This chronic failure to provide credible governance institutions keeps tribal grievances unresolved and reinforces cycles of discontent. 27 Compounding these domestic problems are issues regarding illegal immigration, poppy cultivation, and the drug trade associated with cross-border activities with Myanmar. Most Meiteis view the influx of Chin refugees and the increase in poppy cultivation in Kukidominated regions as threats to Manipur's demographic and security equilibrium. 28 The state's 'war on drugs' campaign, population surveys, and eviction drives have been perceived by Kukis as discriminatory, despite official data indicating enforcement across communities.

Reciprocal accusations—Meiteis accusing demographic manipulation, Kukis accusing persecution—have deepened mutual suspicion. The failure of the state to justly and effectively deal with these intersecting crises has fueled ongoing violence, with heavy casualties on all sides and an urgent need for authentic political solutions. The government had claimed that Manipur had enough capacity to support the displaced and survivors, but reports revealed severe shortages of medicines and doctors. The state's healthcare system, still recovering from COVID-19, faced additional strain. Major health facilities were concentrated in the valley, disadvantaging the Kuki community. Volunteers and nonprofit organizations, often unsupported by the government, had to navigate blockades and mob violence to provide aid. Women and children were among the most affected.

By July 24, 2023, 319 pregnant women had received antenatal care, and 139 births were recorded. However, many women faced trauma, homelessness, and assaults, leading to health problems like reduced lactation, poor hygiene, and insomnia. Children in relief camps suffered food shortages, poor sanitation, and disrupted education. Experts warn that the psychological impact will be long-lasting. Agriculture, the backbone of Manipur’s economy, was devastated. Communities practicing both permanent and shifting cultivation saw their fields burned and livestock killed. According to The Quint, farming, usually starting in early June, was delayed until security forces arrived 27 “Planning in the Sixth Schedule Areas and Those Areas Not Covered by Part ix and Part ix-a, 2006”, Report of the Expert Committee, Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Government of India, September 2006.

28 Ningthoujam Koiremba Singh, “Illicit Drug Trafficking and Dumping of Chinese Goods in India via

Myanmar: A Case Study of Manipur”, in Anshuman Behera and Sitakanta Mishra (ed), Varying Dimensions of India’s National Security: Emerging Perspectives, (Springer Nature, Singapore, 2022)

around July 8. Ongoing violence and damaged infrastructure further hindered agricultural activities. Newslaundry reported that many hill residents working in the valley, including Imphal, fled for safety. Government employees risked pay cuts if they did not return by June 27. Displaced people now struggle to find livelihoods without essential documents. Education has also come to a standstill. About 4,700 students have been displaced, with some relocated to Delhi and Mizoram with help from NGOs and state governments. Missing documents, especially for grades 9–12, complicate enrollment. Although the Manipur government introduced a rehabilitation scheme, students from the hills cannot return to the valley universities. Poor internet access and financial hardships have deepened the crisis.29

INTERSECTIONALITY BETWEEN INDIA AND NORTHEAST -

There is a lack of infrastructural growth and development in North-East India. As a result, there is a high migration of youths towards metropolitan cities such as Delhi, Bangalore, Mumbai, Hyderabad, etc. Here, they seek out education in well-equipped institutions and employment in great avenues through which they strive to build a good career for themselves despite the prevalence of racism and discrimination. 30 The first question that is thrown at these people is whether they are “Chinese or Nepalese” instead of asking where they are from. This alone makes them question their own identity. They are always asked about what they eat, as mainland people have been attached to the stigma that north-east people and those of China, Japan, and other Asian countries are similar, and they only consume snake, rat, dog, and any other animals that move. But this misconception of ours is wrong.

There are other weird and untrue assumptions about North-Eastern people which are baseless, including that they all speak the same language. This is false, as every tribe residing in this region has a language different from the Chinese language. Assam, let alone has 3 main languages consisting of Assamese, Bodo, and Bengali. 31 It is also assumed that Hindus are minorities and Christianity is the most followed religion in North-East, when it is the complete opposite. Although

29 India Development Review, Violence in Manipur: Three months and counting,

https://idronline.org/article/social-justice/violence-in-manipur-three-months-and-counting/ (last visited Apr. 27, 2025). 30Marchang, Reimeingam (2008): Educated Unemployed Youth and Migration from NE Region: A case study of Migrants from Ukhrul District to Delhi, Thesis Unpublished, JNU, Delhi 31 Misconceptions about Northeast India, The ArmChair Journal, https://armchairjournal.com/misconceptionsabout-northeast-india/.

Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram have predominantly Christian populations. Tripura, Assam, and Manipur have the majority of their population following Hinduism. According to the 2011 census, of the 448 lakh people, only 17.4%, i.e, consisting of 78 lakh of the population, practice Christianity.32

EVERYDAY STRUGGLES -

An article by The Economic Times in December 2014 revealed that almost 54% of Northeast people in India are subjected to discrimination, but only 67% of the people report being victims of racial discrimination. Ila, a Northeastern woman who had completed most of her education in Chennai, shared her experience about the extensive racial discrimination she faced from a young age. She explained how her classmates would tend to believe that she was Korean and call her names such as "chinky-chinky," "moshi-moshi," or "ching chong" in a derogatory manner. Teachers instead of putting a stop to this would also join in, calling her "that Chinese/Japanese/chinky girl" or asking, "don't you have a Korean girl in your class?

" When she was in class 7, younger students from classes 3 or 4 would point at her, refer to her as the "Chinese girl," and congregate just to stare at her as if she were some sort of freak. Despite these painful incidents, Ila said she did not see it as a struggle when it happened because this sort of action had been made normal for her. She said that her cousins and others in her community also had the same stories, so she thought that this was a normal part of life for Northeasterners to face this kind of discrimination — a "normal process," at least as she had come to accept it at the time. Today, those memories are shameful to her and painful to remember. One of the most frustrating things for Ila was the constant need to clarify that she is from Nagaland, an Indian state, and not a foreigner.

The perceptions and stereotypes surrounding tribal society make it another level of complexity. When she tells people she is from Nagaland, they frequently respond by asking insensitive and offensive questions regarding what she eats, inquiring as to whether she practices witchcraft, or speculating that cannibalistic rituals are still practiced within her culture. These derogatory beliefs are seldom addressed with responsibility; rather, when she or others attempt to clarify the cultural reasoning behind their practices, they are frequently dismissed and advised to “ take the joke lightly”. Casual racist jokes or slurs might seem normal to an individual, but it is widespread 32 T. S. Haokip, Snakes and Bat Eaters: Ten Misconceptions About North East India, Outlook India (Sept. 30, 2020), https://www. outlookindia.

com/national/opinion-snakes-and-bat-eaters-ten-misconceptions-about-northeast-india-news-361201

and point to an unsolved, vast societal issue. These offhand comments, discriminatory behaviours can shape systems like education, policy making, etc. , which can in turn lead to systematic racism and institutionalized validation of such practices. 33 As it is understood, people of Nepal, China, Tibet, and other neighbouring countries have similar facial features such as to the Northeast people. But everyone faces the same harsh treatment. Recently, in February 2024, Odisha's KIIT University saw a heart-wrenching incident when a 20-year-old Nepali girl student was found dead in her hostel room in what was subsequently declared a suicide. Before her death, the student had filed a formal complaint on March 12, 2024, against blackmail by a classmate, Advik Shrivastava.

But rather than sending the issue to the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) or the police, the university's International Relations Office (IRO) and disciplinary committee informally addressed the case, collecting only undertakings from the parties involved. The Chairperson of the ICC subsequently conceded that the complaint should have been referred formally, evidencing evident procedural shortcomings. After an on-campus investigation, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) held that the university's inaction amounted to abetment to suicide and was a case of gross negligence. After the student died, more than 500 Nepali students agitated on campus, blaming the university for inaction and discriminatory treatment.

Instead of addressing the issues, the university forcefully drove out the agitating students, leaving them at railway stations in Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, and Khordha without provision for their protection. The NHRC condemned the action, adding that though the protests were by diverse students, it was only the Nepali students who were attacked. Testimonies also indicated that university administrators, specifically administrative officers Jayanti Nath and Manjusha Pandey, had uttered abusive and derogatory comments against Nepali students. These administrators were subsequently suspended, which the NHRC considered an implicit admission of institutional wrongdoing. The university's dismissive attitude towards the incident, including its denial of the validity of the allegations, was criticized by the NHRC as a show of insensitivity and arrogance.

An action-taken report was asked for from the Chief Secretary, Odisha, and the Commissioner of Police, Bhubaneswar-Cuttack, was asked to furnish reports on the investigations conducted by the Infocity Police Station. The Commission also recommended 33 Priya S. (June 8, 2020), Racist India: How Racism is Different for North Eastern Women, Feminism in India, https://feminisminindia. com/2020/06/08/racist-india-racism-different-north-eastern-women/.

that the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) scrutinize the behavior of the university and take necessary action. The incident has also posed grave questions regarding the accountability of educational institutions, the safety of international students, and the efficacy of grievance redressal mechanisms. It highlights the imperative necessity for structural changes within universities to provide student welfare, avert discrimination, and ensure basic human rights on campus.34 This incident highlights the urgent need to address the systemic discrimination faced by North-East and international students, which reflects the deeply ingrained prejudice and institutional apathy.

LEGAL GAPS & INSTITUTIONAL BIAS “A CONSTITUTIONAL BIAS”

The Indian Constitution, which many consider one of the most progressive worldwide, provides extensive fundamental rights to every citizen regardless of their racial heritage and religious affiliation, and ethnic background or birthplace similarities. The constitutional guarantees for fundamental rights prove useless to Northeastern communities that reside in mainland India. Elements of discrimination that stem from racial characteristics, together with cultural differences and language misunderstanding, reveal substantial discrepancies between Indian constitutional principles and everyday realities. Despite constitutional protections, widespread racial discrimination, systemic neglect, and everyday harassment have persisted. This disconnect between constitutional ideals and experience represents a profound failure of the Indian state to uphold its foundational commitments.

Constitutional Provisions with lofty promises: The fundamental rights present in the Indian Constitution contain multiple provisions intended to guarantee protection and equality for all citizens. Particularly relevant to the rights of Northeastern individuals are: All persons stand equal under law and receive equal protection under laws that operate within India according to Article 14. Under this provision, the law requires absolute equality of treatment in judicial settings for every Indian citizen, irrespective of their ethnicity or regional

34 NHRC Submits a Damning Report on Nepali Girl Death at KIIT University Campus, The Hindu (Mar. 29,

2025), https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/odisha/nhrc-submits-a-damning-report-on-nepali-girl-death-atkiit-university-campus/article69386680.ece.

background. Article 15 explicitly protects individuals against discrimination through religious and racial categories, along with caste background and sex identity, and birth location. The Indian constitution introduced this provision to remove social challenges that resulted from prejudice against identity markers. Through Article 19(1)(d), the Indian Constitution grants people the freedom to travel across the entire geographical area of the country. The right of Northeastern citizens extends across India because they should face no obstacles or discrimination in their pursuit of education, jobs, residence, or movement within the country. Article 21 of the Constitution safeguards both the right to personal liberty and the right to life for every Indian citizen.

Judicial expansions of Article 21 have resulted in an extension of protection that grants people the right to live with dignity while being free from humiliation and violent situations. Through the written text, these rights establish a comprehensive defense system. The actual experiences of Northeast communities show that basic equal treatment through the law does not lead to genuine equal treatment in practice. Society finds paths to circumvent legally proscribed discrimination through established social biases, together with institutional indifference, as well as ineffective state intervention mechanisms. It is Part IV, the Directive Principles of State Policy (‘DPSP’), where one finds the socioeconomic and governance objectives of the State, such as a living wage, free legal aid, and welfare. However, the DPSPs are non-enforceable.

They were adopted as guidelines for governance and do not create constitutional duties for the State. Over the years, the Court has incrementally infused Fundamental Rights with the contents of the DPSPs. 35 The lynchpin in this process is Article 21 of the Constitution, which has now been interpreted to include the right to health, education, shelter, food, sleep, and environmental protection. The Gaps in the legal provisions and institutions: The constitutional protections fail to prevent racial discrimination, which Northeastern people experience most frequently within metropolitan areas, including Delhi, Bengaluru, and Mumbai. Varied elements continue to uphold the divide between what the law establishes and what happens in reality.

Law enforcement personnel demonstrate poor execution through documented evidence showing Northeastern individuals receive both neglectful treatment as well as hostile reactions when they report incidents of racial mistreatment and abuse or physical attacks. The police often fail to register First Information Reports while dismissing racial harassment cases as 35 Anup Surendranath, Life and Personal Liberty, in The Oxford Handbook of the Indian Constitution 756, 768–

73 (Sujit Choudhry et al. eds., 2016).

unimportant. The professional law enforcement staff holds possible unconscious racial biases that prevent them from properly handling reported grievances, and also lacks essential training on sensitivity. Indian law fails to provide explicit legislation for criminalizing racial discrimination, though discrimination remains illegal according to constitutional provisions. 36 Indian Penal Code sections Section 153A and Section 295A, which involve hate speech or religious offenses, are frequently used in hate crime investigations, but these laws were established before racial discrimination was a significant concern. A dedicated anti-racism framework provides victims with specific legal remedies, which become harder to obtain when such a framework does not exist.

The Indian judicial system has evolved to play an important part in human rights advancement by establishing Public Interest Litigation (PIL) and extending Article 21. The judiciary shows minimal intervention while dealing with cases of racial discrimination. Indian courts have failed to establish important, groundbreaking decisions about Northeastern communities despite their distinctive health risks. The absence of judicial action worsens the inadequacy of equality and dignity guarantees found in the constitution. In combination, these factors result in a situation where de jure protections exist but de facto violations are rampant. For Northeastern citizens, especially students, professionals, and migrant workers, this creates a daily reality of insecurity and exclusion.

The Bezbaruah Committee Report (2014): A Lost Opportunity - The murder of Nido Tania using brutality shocked the nation into attention when it occurred to the 19-year-old student in Delhi in January 2014. Nationwide protests pushed the government to create the Bezbaruah Committee under chairperson M. P. Bezbaruah to study Northeastern communities dwelling outside their home region. 37 The Committee produced disconcerting results that left no room for doubt. Personnel from the Northeastern regions of India experienced continuous racial harassment as their community faced both casual verbal abuse and physical attacks. Systemic

36 Sanjib Baruah, In the Name of the Nation: India and its Northeast (Stanford Univ. Press 2020).

37 Annie Banerji, Spat on and Abused: Coronavirus Fuels Racism Against India's Northeasterners, Reuters (June 19, 2020), https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-india-discriminati-idUSKBN23Q2JS (last visited Apr. 23, 2025).

obstacles preventing Northeastern people from obtaining housing and education, and finding employment and legal protection were also detected. 38 The key recommendations included A powerful anti-racism law that needs implementation to make racial discrimination an offense in itself. All police forces, together with judicial officers, teachers, and public administrators, need to undergo bias sensitivity programs. Northeastern culture, along with its language and festive events, must be promoted on a nationwide platform to create cultural understanding between different parts of India. 39 Specific telephone support systems should become available to Northeastern residents who experience urgent situations. The initial pledges regarding these recommendations faced failure when most suggestions received insufficient attention or weak implementation.

Not one law to combat racism has been established until now. The sensitivity training programs receive minimal effort because they consist of rushed sessions without any subsequent monitoring or support. The promotion of Northeast Indian culture happens infrequently through mainly decorative practices. The helpline system proved to be ineffective because it did not achieve proper distribution or operational competence. The non-implementation of the Bezbaruah Committee recommendations by governmental institutions demonstrates how strong social and institutional disinterest toward Northeastern citizens truly is. This act serves as a fundamental violation of constitutional promises, together with an unacceptable breach of moral obligation held by the Indian state.

40 The Role of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) - The National Human Rights Commission has proven inadequate while attempting to protect citizens' rights because its interventions yield minimal results when battling systemic racism. The organization depends on voluntary recommendations, which governments mostly dismiss. Victims of racism from northeast India have encountered the regular denial of complaint registration from police forces despite anti-Northeast hate speech being a punishable offense. 38 Report of the Committee under the Chairmanship of Shri M. P. Bezbaruah to Look into the Concerns of the People of the Northeast Living in Other Parts of the Country, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India (2014), https://www. mha. gov. in/sites/default/files/filefield_paths/ReportOfMPBezbaruahCommittee. PDF (last visited Apr.

22, 2025) 39 Press Release, Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt. of India, Bezbaruah Committee, Press Information Bureau (Dec. 22, 2015), https://pib. gov. in/newsite/PrintRelease. aspx? relid=133765.

40 Union Home Minister Briefs Media on the Implementation of Bezbaruah Committee, SlideShare,

https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/04-union-home-minister-briefs-media-on-the-implementation-ofbezbaruah-committee/43146494 (last visited Apr. 22, 2025).

The law makes it illegal to use ethnic slurs, yet police departments still fail to file complaints against this violation. NHRC's demonstration of impotence comes from its limited ability to force action because it depends on voluntary enforcement from superior authorities. The Bezbaruah Committee submitted recommendations for Northeast discrimination reform after Nido Taniam's (an Arunachal student) 2014 murder, yet "most of the recommendations of the committee... have not been implemented yet". Marginalized citizens face empty rights because the empty promises of such rights do not match their actual implementation. The NHRC conducts a few suo motu inquiries and avoids taking leadership in developing new anti-discrimination laws. Indian scholars find that the denial of racial problems in the country results in worsening marginalization of Northeastern communities.

The NHRC maintained limited action during the COVID-19 pandemic when Northeast migrants suffered intensified racial harassment in Delhi, along with other cities. Research established that victims suffered through "the worst forms of discrimination and othering" and demanded specific laws to prevent this type of mistreatment. 41 Despite the situation, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) failed to impose any nationwide order. The breakdown in protection of constitutional equality manifests through police impunity, which allows harassment on the streets as well as discriminatory language targeting people. The NHRC exists without enforcement powers and lacks satisfactory representation from different communities within India.

The organization operates without official enforcement authority, and its predominantly retired official members do not include mandatory representation from Northeastern Indian communities. A professional group of experts has expressed concern about underrepresentation in the state institutions by questioning why reforms for improved Northeastern representation have been unsuccessful. Due to its lack of mandated authority and limited representation, the NHRC sustains the pervasive exclusion that runs contrary to Indian Constitutional principles. The Northeast Indian peoples face a severe constitutional breach due to a system that states that equal rights exist in writing, yet fails to safeguard them through actual implementation. 41 Abdul Azeez E. P. et al. , ‘You People Have Brought the Virus Here’: Othering Experience of Northeastern People Amid COVID-19 in Delhi, India, 73 Int’l Soc.

Sci. J. (2022), https://pmc. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/articles/PMC9349438/ (last visited Apr. 24, 2025)

RECOMMENDATIONS-

The communities of North East India and the struggles and problems faced by them in mainland India reflects the gaps and holes in between the constitutional promises and what is being actually delivered to them by the state. In order to bridge these gaps and holes, a combination of meaningful and effective legislative, institutional, educational, media, and policing reforms must be undertaken. These recommendations must aim to promote substantive equality and restore faith in the democratic principles of justice, dignity, liberty and human rights. Bringing certain reforms such as reforms in Legislation, education, Media, Policing and Institutional reforms are essential to ensure the protection of the rights of the people of North East communities. A. Legislative Reforms: Enacting a Comprehensive Anti-Racism Law Present legislation in

India does not criminalize separate racial discrimination offenses. The Indian Penal Code (IPC) maintains general provisions to stop hate speech through Sections 153A and 295A yet these laws fall short to address abuse of a particular racial nature. The formation of a new Anti- Racism Act stands as a priority to mirror the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. A new law should make racial slurs as well as hate crime offenses against individuals since it must also protect minority communities from discriminatory treatment in employment and housing and educational institutions. The law should create time-efficient courts along with severe punishment enforcement to discourage continued racism. A new enacted law should establish racism as a standalone violation of human rights while providing victims with concrete legal solutions.

The tragic fatal beating of Arunachal Pradesh student Nido Taniam during his time in Delhi in 2014 has not prompted the government to create its own anti-racism legislation. The Bezbaruah Committee established by the Ministry of Home Affairs presented legal recommendations42 to criminalize racial slurs plus hate crimes although these recommendations have failed to gain sufficient implementation. The continued legislative inaction proves how vital it becomes to create whole anti-racism legislation. B. Institutional Reforms: The government should establish institutional reforms by enhancing

Human Rights Commission capabilities to fulfill their duties. The national human rights organizations should represent the demographic profile of the country while maintaining

42 Id at 40

proper tools for dealing with ethnic discrimination. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) together with State Human Rights Commissions should recruit Northeastern community members to improve their cultural sensitivity while providing appropriate support. The bodies need to receive stripping powers of enforcement because their current advisory framework falls short. New Northeast Cells serving as complaint handlers should be formed to investigate racial discrimination cases so that mistrust between marginalized groups will gradually diminish. The Northeast Indian population suffered COVID-1943 stigma as many people labeled them as virus carriers leading to increased harassment incidents.

Insufficient actions from NHRC to handle reports of racial discrimination between Northeastern populations show that the commission requires institutional changes through increased Northeastern community representation. C. Educational Reforms: Curricular Integration and Sensitization which should be ensuring

a rise in awareness among students and the youth regarding issues faced by different people groups like that of the North-East Indians. The presence of ignorance together with stereotypical beliefs serves as leading factors behind racial prejudice. The educational boards need to amend their textbooks covering subjects such as social science history and political science to display detailed accurate information concerning Northeast culture history and societal impact. The educational establishment needs both sensitivity training sessions for school staff members and multicultural exchange programs between students to promote crosscultural understanding. D. Media Reforms: Promoting Responsible Representation of different people groups in the

media. The media tends to either pass along discriminatory images about Northeastern communities or simply ignore their reality. The Press Council of India should introduce editorial standards that require fair and diverse coverage about Northeastern communities. Media organizations must receive incentives to hire Northeastern journalists who will produce stories about achievement and cultural life as well as stories about resilience instead of focusing only on insurgency narratives. E. Policing Reforms: Sensitization and Accountability Mechanisms. The absence of trust in

police departments prevents Northeastern people from using their official services. The institution of mandatory cultural sensitivity education programs should become mandatory for

43 Id 41

all law enforcement forces with special focus on urban locations having large Northeastern populations. The government should direct the formation of specialized police squads alongside complete promotion of contacts which include both helpline and digital grievance channels using local linguistic systems. Such additional measures will build trust and allow the public to obtain justice in a timely manner.

CONCLUSION -

The chronic marginalization of North-Eastern communities in India is a testament to the profound contradiction between constitutional principles and lived experience. Even as they enjoy equal citizenship under the law, citizens from these regions are subject to systemic discrimination, racial stereotyping, and institutional indifference. The paper has shown that these problems are not isolated cases but part of a larger, historically rooted pattern of exclusion bolstered by socio-cultural prejudices, weak legal structures, and lack of state accountability. The absence of political will to confront racial bias and the inability to act on important recommendations like those of the Bezbaruah Committee also highlight the state's limited intentions to protect the rights of these groups.

There has been a symbolic but incomplete response to acts of racial abuse, social isolation, and even brutal attacks. Though the Indian Constitution guarantees equality, justice, and dignity through its Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights, the enforcement machinery is inadequate in practice. The police, judiciary, and schools have frequently failed to acknowledge or respond to the racial and regional discrimination against North-Easterners, especially in urban areas. Also, the abusive application of bureaucratic mechanisms such as the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in the North-East aids and abets an atmosphere of impunity and exclusion. To take the first steps forward, the Indian state will need to respect the distinctive identity and rights of the North-Eastern people, not merely in policy reports but in actual-day administration.

That requires enacting definite anti-racism laws, re-fashioning institutional approaches, and acclimating society to cultural variation. Representation of North-Eastern voices in decision-making forums also needs to be enhanced. Only then can India say that it is practicing the values of equality, dignity, and inclusivity enshrined in its Constitution. The battle for human rights in North-East India is not merely about regional justice—it is a test of the nation's commitment to its democratic ideals.